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Pages:
16 pages/≈4400 words
Sources:
47 Sources
Style:
Chicago
Subject:
History
Type:
Essay
Language:
English (U.S.)
Document:
MS Word
Date:
Total cost:
$ 64.8
Topic:

What do we learn about African Societies using oral history?

Essay Instructions:

this essay should be fully referenced, in dissertation style with bibliography. the 4400 should include notes and captions but not the bibliography. I would prefer the bulk of references for this work to be from;
- *White, Luise (2000) 'Telling More: Lies, Secrets and History', History and Theory 39(4), pp. 11- 22.
 *Geiger, Susanne N.G. (1986) 'Women's Life Histories: Method and Content', Signs 11(2), pp. 334-51.
 *Jessee, Erin (2011) ‘The Limits of History: Ethics and Methodology amid highly politicized settings’ Oral History Review 38 (2), pp 287-307
 *Thompson, Allistair (2010) ‘Memory and Remembering in Oral History’, in Ritchie, Donald A. The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 7796.
 *Field, Sean (2009) ‘Turning Up the Volume: Dialogues about Memory Create Oral Histories’. South African Historical Journey 60 (2), pp 175-194.
 Krauss, Taylor (2014) ‘In The Ghost Forest: Listening to Tutsi Rescapés’, in Cave, Mark and Sloan, Stephen S. (ed) (2014) Listening on the Edge: Oral History in the Aftermath of Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 91-110.

 L. White, S. Miescher & D.W. Cohen (ed) (2001) African words, African voices: critical practices in oral history, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
 High, Steven (ed) (2015) Beyond Testimony and Trauma: Oral History in the Aftermath of Mass Violence. Vancouver: University of British Colombia Press [contains many examples of oral history work]
 High, Steven, Little, Edward and Thi Ry Duong (ed) (2014) Remembering Mass Violence: Oral History, New Media and Performance. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. [contains many examples of oral history projects]
 Cave, Mark and Sloan, Stephen S. (ed) (2014) Listening on the Edge: Oral History in the Aftermath of Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [contains many examples of oral history projects]
 Armitage, Susanne (2010) ‘The States of Women’s Oral History’, in Ritchie, Donald A.
The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 169-186  Jessee (2017) ‘Managing Danger in Oral Historical Fieldwork’, in Oral History Review 44 (2), pp. 322-347.
 Borland, Katherine (1991) ‘”That’s Not What I Said”: Interpretive Conflict in Oral Narrative Research’, in Sherna Berger Gluck and Daphne Patai (ed.) Women’s Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History. New York: Routledge, pp. 63-76;
 Yow, Valerie (1997) ‘”Do I Like Them Too Much?”: Effects of the Oral History Interview on the Interviewer and Vice-Versa,” Oral History Review 24 (1), pp. 55-79.
 Sheftel, Anna and Stacey Zembrzycki, Stacey (eds.) (2013) Oral History Off the Record: Toward an Ethnography of Practice. New York: Palgrave McMillan. [contains examples of struggles, failures and negative outcomes in oral history projects]
 Bouka, Youlande (2015) ‘Researching Violence in Africa as a Black Women: Notes from Rwanda’, Research in Difficult Settings Working Paper Series, May 2015, http://conflictfieldresearch(dot)col gate.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2015/05/Bouka_WorkingPaper-May2015.pdf.
 Sheftel, Anna and Stacey Zembrzycki, Stacey (2010) ‘Only Human: A Reflection on the Ethical and Methodological Challenges of Working with “Difficult” Stories’ Oral History Review 37 (2), pp. 180-191.
 Roper, Michael (2003) ‘Analysing the Analysed: Transference and Counter-Transference in the Oral History Encounter’ Oral History 31 (2), pp. 20-32.
 Abrams, Lynn (2010) Oral History Theory, New York: Routledge.
 Robben, Antonius (1996) ‘Ethnographic Seduction, Transference, and Resistance in Dialogues about Terror in Argentina,’ Ethos 24 (1), pp. 73-100.
 Field, Sean (2006) ‘Beyond “Healing”: Trauma, Oral History and Regeneration,’ Oral History 34 (1), pp.31-42.  Green, A. (2004) ‘”Individual Remembering and Collective Memory”: Theoretical Presuppositions and Contemporary Debates’ Oral History 32 (2), pp. 35-44.
 Radstone, S (2000) Memory and Methodology. Oxford: Berg Publishers.
 Fujii, Anne Lee (2010) ‘Shades of Truth and Lies: Interpreting Testimonies of War and Violence’ Journal of Peace Research 47 (2), pp. 231-241.
 Morris, Z. S. (2009) ‘The Truth About Interviewing Elites’, Politics 29, pp. 209-2017.
 Field, Sean (2010) Disappointed Remains: Trauma, Testimony, and Reconciliation in Post-apartheid South Africa, in Ritchie, Donald A. The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 142-159.
 Samuel R and Thompson, P. (1990) The Myths We Live By. London: Routledge.
 Tonkin, E. (1986) 'Investigating Oral Tradition', Journal of African History 27(2), pp. 20313.
 Vansina, Jan (1981) 'Oral Tradition and its Methodology', in Methodology and African prehistory: General history of Africa, J. Ki-Zerbo (ed.), London & Berkeley, pp.142-65.
 van Onselen, C. (1993)'The Reconstruction of a Rural Life from Oral Testimony: Critical Notes on the Methodology Employed in the Study of a Black South African Sharecropper,' Journal of Peasant Studies, 20(3), pp. 494-514.  Barber, K. & P.F.d.M. Farias (1989) (eds.) Discourse and its disguises: The interpretation of African oral texts, Birmingham.

 P.R. Thompson (2000) The voice of the past: oral history, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

 Portelli, A. (1981) ‘What Makes Oral History Different?’, History Workshop 12, pp. 96-107, reprinted in The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories (1991), 45-58, and in R. Perks and Thomson, A. (eds.) The Oral History Reader, (1998), chapter 6.
 Ritchie, D. (2001) Doing Oral History. A Practical Guide , pp. 47-109.
 Tonkin, E. (1992) Narrating the Past: The Social Construction of Oral History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 M.F. Smith Baba of Karo: A woman of the Hausa, London, 1954.

 C. Van Onselen The seed is mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African sharecropper, 1894-1985, New York, 1996.

 Onselen, C.V. (1990) 'Race and Class in the South African Countryside: Cultural Osmosis and Social Relations in the Sharecropping Economy of the South Western Transvaal, 1900-1950', The American Historical Review 95(1), pp. 99-123.

 M. Wright (1993) Strategies of slaves & women: life-stories from East/Central Africa, London.
 J. Iliffe (1973) Modern Tanzanians: a volume of biographies, Nairobi.

 S. Geiger (1997) TANU Women: gender and culture in the making of Tanganyikan nationalism, 1955-1965, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 L. White Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa, CA, 2000 (Free online version http://ark(dot)cdlib(dot)org/ark:/13030/ft8r29p2ss/).
 Bozzoli, B. & N. Mmantho (1991) Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, Life Strategy and Migrancy in South Africa 1900-1983, London: James Currey.
 James, D. (2000) Songs of the women migrants, Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand.
 Delius, P. (1996) A lion amongst the cattle: reconstruction and resistance in the Northern Transvaal, Oxford: J. Currey.

 Shostak, M. & Nisa Nisa (1981), The life and words of a !Kung woman, Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press.
 Shostak, M. (1987) 'What the Wind Wont Take Away - the Oral-History of an African Foraging Woman', International Journal of Oral History 8(3), pp. 171-81.

Essay Sample Content Preview:

 

LEARNING AFRICAN SOCIETIES USING ORAL HISTORY   Name Class Date               Africa is a large continent made up of societies as diverse as its landscape. African societies are arguably the most complex and diverse in the entire planet. This notwithstanding, African societies have traditionally been misunderstood and misinterpreted. Moreover, the African societies have been stereotyped for far too long that in some instances, the false narrative has gotten entrenched into peoples’ minds. When African societies are mentioned, the picture of bloody tyrannies, oppressed women, social and political inequality, as well as other vices come to the minds of many people. However, though such issues are found in the African society, just like in other societies around the around, the story of the African story is rarely wholly told. Moreover, whenever it is told, it is bound to be told by an outsider who might not have the whole truth. Up until the later years of the colonial period, most western historians believed that no civilization existed in Africa south of the Sahara and hence a huge chunk of the continent was taken to have no history. After independence, a period characterized by decolonization, Africanists sought to correct the narrative (Afolayan 2012). For these reasons, the study of African societies has been a rich ground in scholarship in the recent past. Africa is considered the home of humanity since the earliest evidence of human existence has been discovered on the continent. With a history stretching more than 200,000 years back, the continent has seen societies of different kinds and forms. Due to this diversity and complexity of the African societies, its study is usually a daunting task. An interdisciplinary approach is required to understand and evaluate the economic, social, political, as well as cultural institutions of the continents in order to gain an in-depth insight into its societies. Over time, the study of African societies has grown to become an established field of academia encompassing sophisticated analysis which is more complex than the works carried out in the earlier years. Until recently, African history was not studied as an independent field (White et al. 2001). Fortunately, the reignited interest in the history of the continent has shone more light on the nature of its societies. Societies in ancient Africa can be broadly divided into four; hunter-gatherer societies, stateless societies, city-state societies, and kingdoms. The hunter-gatherer societies consisted of nomads who traversed the continent in search of food and other natural resources. These societies were highly egalitarian; all its members, including women, were treated equally (Hill et al. 2011). The stateless societies were much larger than the hunter-gatherer societies, but still not large enough to raise the need for a central government. The societies did not have any form of organized governance but rather dealt with various issues democratically taking into consideration the needs of every member. Societies larger than the stateless societies were governed by organized governments and can be referred to as city-state governments. Such societies ...
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